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Wednesday, October 4, 2017

Assessing Township Election Reform in Rural China

Here's a little paper I wrote as a writing sample for a job application.  It's talking about the future of township election reform in China.

            In his 2002 article The Politics of Introducing Direct Township Elections in China, Lianjiang Li tackles the recent trend in China toward democratic township elections, especially in poorer and more rural townships.  Writing over a decade later, Joseph Fewsmith examines the same kinds of township elections in his book The Logic and Limits of Political Reform in China, giving perspective on and challenging some of Li's predictions. By comparing and contrasting these two authors, the future of township elections in China can become a bit clearer to observers.
            In his article, Li cites some key points that some people in China use to argue for more democratic township elections, but doesn't discuss some of the problems with these arguments.  These advocates for township elections cite four major reasons.  First, free elections can act as a safety valve against peasant anger towards excessive tax collection and the "peasant burden" (nongmin fudan).  Second, direct elections make the elected leaders work harder to develop the economy and resist corruption.  Third, elections can help get rid of corruption, as corrupt officials will be voted out.  Lastly, advocates argue that direct election of leaders is a basic right of citizenship.[1]  It's important to note that a few of these points heavily overlap, namely the ones regarding corruption.  But more important is the fact that these assertions are generally not borne out by evidence from direct elections at the village level.  Although village heads are democratically elected, problems with corruption still run rampant in villages in the same types of rural areas that Li is talking about.  In fact, as Ben Hillman shows in his study of a rural county in Yunnan, kinship ties and patron-client relations, problematic political tactics, are key to village elections.[2]  Not only were peasants aware that many officials were corrupt, they had come to expect corruption, to the extent that a non-corrupt official could be seen as abnormal.[3]
            By the end of his article Li concludes that the odds are stacked against township elections, but that advocates of democracy have a few reasons to be optimistic.  First, top leaders in Beijing may try to consolidate their authority by instituting some political reforms.  Second, "inter-bureaucratic rivalry may induce some officials to support direct elections because it will weaken the domination of the organization department."  Third, the reform may convince villagers that the party is serious about introducing democracy.  Fourth, local party officials may introduce reforms for the sake of their own political careers.  And lastly, international pressure could lead to an increase in political reform and democratization in China.[4]  In the ten years after Li published his article, there were several examples of democratized township elections, many of which Fewsmith examines in his article.  For the most part, Li's predictions are not vindicated by Fewsmith's findings.  Fewsmith argues that reform usually depended on a single charismatic leader who would push for democratization.  But, in Sichuan, where many of these reformed elections were taking place, "[s]trong leaders promote[d] reforms, but these reforms generally wither[ed] after these leaders move[d] on."[5]  So, while political leaders did, as Li predicted, hope to advance their careers through political reform, this reform simply didn't last.  This was often because these leaders were promoted after their political innovation, and their focus was diverted away from township elections.
            It doesn't seem as though popular ambivalence is to blame for the failure of long-term township election reform.  On that contrary it appears that the township elections were quite popular among those who were able to participate.  In many of the elections, hundreds of citizens filed for nomination, and in one township election in rural Yunnan, voter turnout was 97.1 percent.[6] (Fewsmith, 100).  Despite this demonstrated support for democratization, it appears that those in positions to make decisions to sustain reforms did not always have the interests of common villagers at heart.  Furthermore, Li's prediction that the top party leadership might use township election reform to build its own authority hasn't come to fruition.  It looks like democratization is not on the fast track to implementation quite yet.



[1] Li, Lianjiang. "The Politics of Introducing Direct Township Elections in China." The China Quarterly 171 (2002): 704-23. doi:10.1017/s0009443902000438. Web, 718.

[2] Hillman, Ben. Patronage and Power: Local State Networks and Party-state Resilience in Rural China. Stanford: Stanford UP, 2014. Print, 28.

[3] Ibid., 115.

[4] Li. "The Politics of Introducing Direct Township Elections in China." 720-1.

[5] Fewsmith, Joseph. The logic and limits of political reform in China. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013.  Web, 84.

[6] Ibid., 100.

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